Twelve States Just Sued to Stop the Paramount-Warner Merger

Twelve states are suing to block the $110B Paramount-Warner merger. The numbers in the complaint are damning, and the barrier-to-entry argument is the real one.

Share
Twelve States Just Sued to Stop the Paramount-Warner Merger

The most consequential number in Hollywood right now is not a box-office figure or Metacritic score; it is the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index. This largely technical number is a measure of market concentration that most people have encountered, if at all, as a punchline in an episode of The Office. The scale runs from zero to ten thousand, where ten thousand describes a single company owning an entire market and zero describes a market with nobody in it at all. Antitrust law has long held that a merger which pushes a market above a score of roughly 1,800, or which raises the existing concentration by more than 100 points, is presumptively anti-competitive. Those are not opinions, they are legal thresholds established by decades of case law, and the reason they matter this week is that twelve state attorneys general have now sued to block Paramount Skydance's $110 billion acquisition of Warner Bros. Discovery, and by the complaint's own math, the deal blows through both thresholds in three different markets.

The suit, filed yesterday in the Northern District of California and led by California Attorney General Rob Bonta, joined by Arizona, Colorado, Connecticut, Massachusetts, Minnesota, Nevada, New Jersey, New Mexico, New York, Oregon, and Washington, alleges violations of the Clayton Act across three markets: wide-release theatrical distribution, top-grossing theatrical distribution, and basic cable licensing. It arrives after the Department of Justice cleared the deal last month, which is itself the story underneath the story, since the states are explicitly filling a vacuum left by federal antitrust enforcement that they argue has been abandoned. Paramount has called the suit fundamentally flawed and promised to fight, and it has every incentive to fight fast, because the deal carries a massive financial penalty if it fails to close by the end of September, and an even larger penalty if the deal does not go through.

Take the markets one at a time, because the numbers tell the story better than any rhetoric can. Basic cable is the one with the most immediate reach into ordinary life, and a combined Paramount-Warner would gain 321 points there, landing at roughly 2,007, or about a fifth of the market. That abstraction becomes concrete the moment you remember how cable actually works. Nobody calls Paramount to order CBS or Nickelodeon, and nobody calls Warner to order CNN or Cartoon Network. Channels are bundled and negotiated wholesale, which means the leverage in that negotiation is everything, and the weapon of last resort is the blackout. Anyone in the New York metro area and is a fan of the Rangers or Knicks (like myself) who watched the recent MSG dispute knows exactly how that plays out, an entire market of hockey and basketball fans locked out of games they had already paid to watch while a multibillionaire and a corporation with a government approved monopoly in a lot of areas squeezed each other for a better rate. Now imagine that leverage held by a single company that controls CBS, Nickelodeon, Cartoon Network, HBO, Showtime, CNN, TBS, and TNT simultaneously. That is not a hypothetical negotiating advantage. That is the ability to hold college football, college basketball, golf, a large amount of the NBA, NFL, and NHL, not to mention more than half of the family television market and most of the premium cable stations that produce original programming hostage in half the country.

Wide-release theatrical, defined in the complaint as films opening on more than 600 screens, would see an increase of 359 points to a score of 2,074. And the top-grossing tentpole market, the blockbusters that anchor the entire theatrical calendar, would jump by 445 points to 2,427, which means roughly a quarter of the biggest films released in America would flow through one company. Any one of these figures would trigger the presumption of anti-competitiveness on its own. All three clear it comfortably.

What follows from that concentration is the part the complaint calls degraded quality and slowed output, and it is the part with the clearest historical evidence behind it. The argument is simple: when a quarter of the market's revenue arrives at your door regardless, the incentive to work hard for it erodes. The market does not discipline you, because there is nowhere for the audience to go. And the states are not speculating here, they are citing precedent. The Disney-Fox merger was accompanied by public assurances that output would not fall, and then Fox, which had reliably released twelve to seventeen films a year as a standalone studio, settled into roughly five or six under Disney. Warner Bros. Discovery's leadership publicly committed to sixteen theatrical releases in 2023 and twenty in 2024, well clear of any pandemic excuse, and delivered eleven and nine. The pattern is not subtle. Companies say output will hold, the merger closes, and output falls. Fewer films means fewer jobs, less revenue for theaters, less economic activity in every town that hosts a production, and eventually theater closures that ripple outward through the whole industry.

Which brings this to the question that actually decides the case, and it is the one the complaint saves for its strongest material: can anyone else step into the void? If Warner Bros. is absorbed and its output collapses, is there some hungry new studio waiting to fill the gap and restore competition? The answer, and the states argue this persuasively, is no, and the reason is vertical integration. To compete at this level you need production capacity, distribution infrastructure, marketing muscle, theatrical relationships, and a library deep enough to sustain you through failures, and every one of those is held in-house by the incumbents. Nobody is starting a new Universal or Disney. The cost of entry is not high, it is prohibitive, and it is prohibitive by design.

The counterexamples people reach for actually prove the rule, and this is worth being precise about because the exceptions are seductive. Backrooms is the obvious one, a creepypasta born on 4chan and grown on YouTube that became a genuine theatrical phenomenon this year. But the film that opened a week removed from The Mandalorian and Grogu was not made by a kid with a camera. It was made with A24's money, A24's marketing, and A24's distribution, and it starred actors nobody working alone could afford. The same is true of The Amazing Digital Circus, which began as an independent animation and reached ubiquity only by way of Netflix for its wide distribution and mainstream reach, Fathom for its theatrical run, and Epic Games putting its characters into Fortnite. It took three enormous corporations to carry an independent success across the finish line. These are not proof that the barrier can be cleared. They are proof of what it costs to clear it, which is a lottery ticket and the blessing of an incumbent.

The lawsuit's sharpest point sits at exactly that intersection, and it is one Paramount has not answered. To justify a merger of this magnitude, you generally must demonstrate that you face a competitive disadvantage so severe you cannot survive without it. The complaint notes, pointedly, that Paramount never quite explains what that disadvantage is. And it cannot, because the vertically integrated structure it already possesses is precisely what it needs. It has the studios, the pipes, the distribution, the library. What it does not have is a better product, and acquiring someone else's intellectual property does not solve that. It just moves the problem, and creates several new ones for everybody else. If they need IP to stay competitive through things like the DC Universe and Harry Potter, they can mine untapped IP spaces like YouTube, video games, and any of the hundreds of thousands books that come out and earn massive fanbases without wiping out jobs and competition in the process. The frustrating thing is Paramount has already done this with a development deal with Activision to produce movies and shows from their games so they clearly know what the alternatives are.

What happens next is probably a temporary stay, then litigation, then appeals, and the case will likely outlast the news cycle that greeted it. The states are asking a court to hold the line that federal regulators declined to hold, and the outcome will shape what the entertainment industry looks like for a generation. Mergers of this scale are inherently anti-competitive; that is not a controversial claim, it is the entire premise of the statute. The question is whether that still means anything. This one is worth following closely, and the reading will continue here as the filings come.